Published September 12, 2026. Updated September 12, 2026.
You open the document, read the first line for the ninth time, and go make coffee you did not need. Somewhere in that gap between intending to work and working sits a body of research that has been measured, argued over, and in a few documented cases, badly mangled by the sites that quote it. This page pulls the numbers from the original studies and states what each one actually measured.
Key Takeaways
- A six-nation survey of roughly 1,347 adults found 13.5% classified as arousal procrastinators and 14.6% as avoidant procrastinators, a combined total just over 28%, with no significant differences by sex or nationality (Ferrari et al., 2007).
- In a global internet sample of 16,413 adults screened for procrastination characteristics, 58.3% were women and 41.7% were men, with a mean age of 38.3 years (Steel & Ferrari, 2013).
- Among 342 college students surveyed in the founding academic-procrastination study, 46% reported procrastinating on writing term papers “always or nearly always” (Solomon & Rothblum, 1984).
- A twin study found genetic differences accounted for about 46% of the variation in procrastination, with impulsivity showing a near-identical 49% and the two traits sharing most of their genetic variance (Gustavson et al., 2014).
- In an internet sample of 22,053 adults, the income gap between minimal and maximal procrastinators approached $60,000 a year (Nguyen, Steel, & Ferrari, 2013).
- A representative sample of 2,431 Dutch adults linked weaker self-regulation to insufficient sleep through bedtime procrastination as the connecting mechanism (Kroese et al., 2016).
- In a cohort of 3,525 Swedish university students, higher baseline procrastination predicted higher anxiety, depression, and stress symptoms nine months later (Johansson et al., 2023).
How to cite this page
APA: Eduard, S. (2026, September 12). Procrastination statistics: How common it is, and why it happens. Stumble Toward the Light. https://stumbletowardthelight.com/procrastination-statistics/
MLA: Eduard, Sebastian. “Procrastination Statistics: How Common It Is, and Why It Happens.” Stumble Toward the Light, 12 Sept. 2026, stumbletowardthelight.com/procrastination-statistics/.
How common is procrastination?
Between roughly 15% and 28% of adults qualify as chronic procrastinators, depending on the study, with the higher figure from a six-nation sample surveyed in 2007 (Ferrari et al., 2007). Steel’s (2007) synthesis of 691 correlations across the procrastination literature put the figure at 15% to 20%. A larger, later, more geographically spread measurement found more: Ferrari and colleagues surveyed about 1,347 adults across Spain, Peru, Venezuela, the UK, Australia, and the US in 2007 and found 13.5% self-identified as arousal procrastinators and 14.6% as avoidant procrastinators, a combined 28.1%, with no significant differences by sex or by nation (Ferrari et al., 2007). The country-level numbers held close together: Peru at 12.4% arousal and 14.9% avoidant, the UK at 10.9% and 13.8%. The often-quoted 1996 figure of about 20%, drawn from a US convenience sample of 211 adults, is real but older and smaller than either of these (Harriott & Ferrari, 1996). The honest range for “how common is chronic procrastination” runs from about one adult in seven to one adult in four, and the newer six-nation figure sits at the higher end.
What percentage of college students procrastinate?
In the founding academic-procrastination study, Laura Solomon and Esther Rothblum surveyed 342 college students in 1984 and found 46% procrastinating on writing term papers “always or nearly always” (Solomon & Rothblum, 1984); a 2007 synthesis of the broader literature put the daily share even higher, at about one-third of college students’ activities involving procrastination (Steel, 2007). The true share who procrastinate at least occasionally runs far higher than the term-paper figure alone; the same 1984 survey found 30% on weekly reading assignments and 27% on studying for exams. When they factor-analyzed the reasons students gave, two clusters carried most of the weight: fear of failure and task aversiveness, both emotional. That 1984 study set the template for the academic-procrastination surveys that followed, and its task-type figures are still the most-cited numbers in the student literature, forty years on.
Academic procrastination statistics: what does the newer research add?
Academic procrastination research since Solomon and Rothblum has moved from counting how often students delay toward tracing what the delay costs them. A three-wave longitudinal study following German university students across a year found procrastination predicting later depression and anxiety symptoms, with perceived stress failing to fully account for that path (Jochmann et al., 2024). In Sweden, a cohort of 3,525 university students showed that a one-standard-deviation increase in baseline procrastination was associated with modestly higher anxiety, depression, and stress symptoms nine months later, plus poorer sleep, less physical activity, and more loneliness (Johansson et al., 2023). Both studies are observational, so the direction is consistent across two countries, though causality stays open. More on that loop is in procrastination and anxiety.
How common is bedtime procrastination?
Bedtime procrastination, going to bed later than intended with no external reason stopping you, was measured in a 2014 study of 177 adults, where self-control correlated at -0.52 with the tendency to delay sleep, and almost 30% reported six hours of sleep or less on weeknights (Kroese et al., 2014). Eighty-four percent reported feeling they had slept too little or felt tired at least once a week. A follow-up study of 2,431 Dutch adults found the same mechanism at population scale: weaker self-regulation predicted insufficient sleep, with bedtime procrastination as the link (Kroese et al., 2016). The popular label “revenge bedtime procrastination,” for staying up late to reclaim personal time after a day with none, describes a real and recognizable pattern. It is a coined phrase; the studies above are the closest sourced data on the underlying behavior.
Why do people procrastinate?
Close to 28% of adults qualify as chronic procrastinators (Ferrari et al., 2007), and the dominant modern account for why is short-term mood regulation: putting off a task removes an unpleasant feeling right now, and the cost lands on a future version of you who was not in the room for the decision. Fuschia Sirois and Timothy Pychyl laid out this argument in a 2013 theoretical review that synthesizes mechanism and carries no prevalence percentages of its own (Sirois & Pychyl, 2013). The experimental backbone under that account comes from Dianne Tice, Ellen Bratslavsky, and Roy Baumeister’s 2001 research: across three separate experiments, participants who were led to believe their bad mood was temporarily fixed and could not be changed by any action stopped engaging in “frivolous” procrastination and stopped reaching for snacks for comfort (Tice, Bratslavsky, & Baumeister, 2001). Remove the belief that delaying will make you feel better, and the pull to delay weakens. Steel’s earlier meta-analysis supports the same picture from a different angle: task aversiveness, the felt unpleasantness of a task, was among the strongest and most consistent predictors of delay across his 691 correlations (Steel, 2007).
Is procrastination linked to anxiety?
Yes, in both directions, though the link is modest and the studies behind it are observational. Sirois’s stress-context vulnerability model argues that stressful conditions raise the risk of procrastination by draining the coping resources that help someone tolerate an uncomfortable task (Sirois, 2023). Running the other direction, the Swedish cohort of 3,525 students found procrastination predicting higher anxiety symptoms nine months later (Johansson et al., 2023), and the German three-wave study found the same forward path (Jochmann et al., 2024). Steel’s meta-analysis adds a caution: neuroticism, the trait closest to anxiousness, was a weak predictor overall, well behind task aversiveness, self-efficacy, impulsiveness, and conscientiousness. Anxiety intensifies mechanisms that already drive delay. The full mechanics are in procrastination and anxiety.
Is procrastination linked to perfectionism?
The relationship depends on which kind of perfectionism is meant. A 2017 meta-analysis found trait procrastination positively linked to some perfectionism dimensions and negatively linked to others, overturning an earlier 2007 meta-analysis that treated perfectionism as one thing and found no relationship at all (Sirois, Molnar, & Hirsch, 2017). No single clean prevalence figure covers the relationship. The corrected, multidimensional picture separates the anxious, self-critical side of perfectionism, linked to more delay, from the organized, striving side, linked to less.
Is procrastination genetic?
Genetic differences account for roughly 46% of the variation in how much people procrastinate, based on a twin study comparing identical and fraternal twin pairs (Gustavson et al., 2014). Impulsivity showed a near-identical heritability of about 49%, and the two traits shared so much genetic variance that the researchers called them barely separable at that level, despite looking different day to day. A heritability estimate describes population-level variation, a statement about group differences. Turkheimer’s widely cited summary notes that across nearly every human trait studied, genes explain a real share of the differences between people, shared upbringing explains less than expected, and a meaningful share comes from each person’s own unshared experience (Turkheimer, 2000). The fuller picture is in is procrastination genetic.
Is it normal to procrastinate, and is chronic procrastination common?
Occasional procrastination is close to universal. Chronic procrastination, where the pattern runs across most of a person’s obligations, affects between roughly 15% and 28% of adults, most recently a six-nation sample surveyed in 2007 (Ferrari et al., 2007). Steel’s (2010) re-test of the classic three-way typology, pooling responses from more than 4,000 adults, found that arousal and avoidant procrastination did not separate into two distinct types after all; both loaded onto a single underlying factor of irrational delay (Steel, 2010). That single-factor finding matters for the “is it normal” question because it means the field’s own data argue against neat subtypes and toward one common trait, expressed with different flavors. The fuller breakdown of arousal, avoidant, decisional, and active procrastination lives in procrastination types.
How many people procrastinate at work?
A global sample of 16,413 adults screened for procrastination-related characteristics in 2013 skewed 58.3% women to 41.7% men, average age 38.3, one of the largest demographic snapshots of adult, working-life procrastination available (Steel & Ferrari, 2013). In a separate internet sample of 22,053 working adults, high procrastination was associated with lower salaries, shorter job tenure, and greater odds of unemployment or underemployment, with the income gap between minimal and maximal procrastinators approaching $60,000 a year across the full range of the procrastination scale (Nguyen, Steel, & Ferrari, 2013).
What is the most common cause of procrastination?
Task aversiveness, the unpleasant feeling a task produces before you have started it, outranks the other mechanisms behind procrastination. Steel’s 2007 meta-analysis of 691 correlations found task aversiveness among the strongest, most consistent predictors of delay, alongside low self-efficacy, impulsiveness, and weak conscientiousness (Steel, 2007). Solomon and Rothblum’s factor analysis pointed the same way four decades earlier, with fear of failure and task aversiveness carrying most of the weight in students’ own explanations (Solomon & Rothblum, 1984). More detail is in what causes procrastination.
Why is procrastination so common?
Because the behavior works, at least in the short run, and working is what keeps any habit alive. Sirois and Pychyl’s mood-regulation account explains this directly: putting off a task removes an aversive feeling immediately, and the relief is reinforcing regardless of the cost handed to your future self (Sirois & Pychyl, 2013). Add a genetic contribution of about 46% (Gustavson et al., 2014) and a chronic-procrastination rate holding steady near 28% across six nations (Ferrari et al., 2007), and the behavior reads as a common feature of human self-regulation under pressure. More on breaking the loop is in why do we procrastinate and the procrastination cycle.
The source table
| # | Statistic | Data collected | Source type | Source |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | ~28.1% of adults across six nations are chronic procrastinators (13.5% arousal + 14.6% avoidant) | 2007 | primary study | Ferrari et al., 2007 |
| 2 | 13.5% of a six-nation sample self-identified as arousal procrastinators | 2007 | primary study | Ferrari et al., 2007 |
| 3 | 14.6% of a six-nation sample self-identified as avoidant procrastinators | 2007 | primary study | Ferrari et al., 2007 |
| 4 | Peru: 12.4% arousal, 14.9% avoidant procrastinators | 2007 | primary study | Ferrari et al., 2007 |
| 5 | UK: 10.9% arousal, 13.8% avoidant procrastinators | 2007 | primary study | Ferrari et al., 2007 |
| 6 | No significant sex or nationality differences in chronic procrastination rates, six-nation sample | 2007 | primary study | Ferrari et al., 2007 |
| 7 | 42 of 211 US adults surveyed (~20%) self-identified as chronic procrastinators | 1996 | primary study | Harriott & Ferrari, 1996 |
| 8 | Meta-analysis of 691 correlations put adult chronic procrastination at 15% to 20% | 2007 | derived (meta-analysis) | Steel, 2007 |
| 9 | Task aversiveness, self-efficacy, impulsiveness and conscientiousness were the strongest predictors of delay; neuroticism was weak | 2007 | derived (meta-analysis) | Steel, 2007 |
| 10 | Pooling more than 4,000 adults, arousal and avoidant procrastination loaded onto a single shared factor | 2010 | primary study | Steel, 2010 |
| 11 | Global internet sample of 16,413 adults: 58.3% women, 41.7% men, mean age 38.3 | 2013 | primary study | Steel & Ferrari, 2013 |
| 12 | 46% of 342 college students procrastinated on writing term papers “always or nearly always” | 1984 | primary study | Solomon & Rothblum, 1984 |
| 13 | 30% of the same 342 students procrastinated on weekly reading assignments | 1984 | primary study | Solomon & Rothblum, 1984 |
| 14 | 27% of the same 342 students procrastinated on studying for exams | 1984 | primary study | Solomon & Rothblum, 1984 |
| 15 | Fear of failure and task aversiveness were the two leading factor-analyzed reasons students gave for delay | 1984 | primary study | Solomon & Rothblum, 1984 |
| 16 | 45 undergraduates paged 40 times over 5 days before a deadline, reporting mood and activity in real time | 2000 | primary study | Pychyl et al., 2000 |
| 17 | About one-third of college students’ daily activities involved procrastination, per experience-sampling data | 2007 | derived (secondary summary) | Steel, 2007 |
| 18 | Twin study: genetic differences account for ~46% of variation in procrastination | 2014 | primary study | Gustavson et al., 2014 |
| 19 | Same twin study: heritability of impulsivity ~49%, sharing nearly all genetic variance with procrastination | 2014 | primary study | Gustavson et al., 2014 |
| 20 | Genetic influence, shared-environment influence, and unique individual experience all contribute to trait variation across most studied traits | 2000 | derived (research summary) | Turkheimer, 2000 |
| 21 | Internet sample of 22,053 adults: income gap of ~$60,000/year between minimal and maximal procrastinators | 2013 | primary study | Nguyen, Steel, & Ferrari, 2013 |
| 22 | High procrastination associated with lower salary, shorter job tenure, and higher odds of unemployment/underemployment | 2013 | primary study | Nguyen, Steel, & Ferrari, 2013 |
| 23 | 177 adults surveyed online: self-control correlated -0.52 with bedtime procrastination | 2014 | primary study | Kroese et al., 2014 |
| 24 | Almost 30% of that 177-person sample reported 6 hours of sleep or less on weeknights | 2014 | primary study | Kroese et al., 2014 |
| 25 | 84% of that sample reported feeling they’d slept too little or felt tired at least once a week | 2014 | primary study | Kroese et al., 2014 |
| 26 | Representative sample of 2,431 Dutch adults: self-regulation deficits predicted insufficient sleep via bedtime procrastination | 2016 | primary study (federal-scale sample) | Kroese et al., 2016 |
| 27 | Cohort of 3,525 Swedish university students: higher baseline procrastination predicted higher anxiety, depression, stress 9 months later | 2023 | primary study | Johansson et al., 2023 |
| 28 | Three-wave study of German university students: procrastination predicted later depression and anxiety symptoms | 2024 | primary study | Jochmann et al., 2024 |
| 29 | Sirois and Pychyl’s mood-regulation review contains zero prevalence percentages; it is a theoretical synthesis of mechanism | 2013 | derived (theoretical review) | Sirois & Pychyl, 2013 |
| 30 | Across three lab experiments, believing a bad mood was fixed eliminated “frivolous” procrastination and comfort snacking | 2001 | primary study | Tice, Bratslavsky, & Baumeister, 2001 |
| 31 | Sirois’s stress-context vulnerability model: stress depletes the coping resources that limit procrastination | 2023 | derived (conceptual review) | Sirois, 2023 |
| 32 | A 2017 multidimensional meta-analysis found procrastination positively linked to some perfectionism dimensions, negatively to others, overturning a 2007 null finding | 2017 | derived (meta-analysis) | Sirois, Molnar, & Hirsch, 2017 |
| 33 | Active procrastinators resembled non-procrastinators on self-efficacy, coping style, and outcomes; passive procrastinators did not | 2005 | primary study | Chu & Choi, 2005 |
| 34 | A 2018 critique argues the active-procrastination scale conflates sensation-seeking arousal with planned, intentional delay | 2018 | derived (construct critique) | Chowdhury & Pychyl, 2018 |
| 35 | The circulated “80-95% of college students procrastinate” figure traces to a 1977 mass-market paperback and a 2002 unpublished dissertation | 1977/2002 | unsourced (traced by this page) | Steel, 2007 |
| 36 | The circulated “94% say procrastination hurts their happiness” figure traces to a 2005 self-selected web poll with a now-dead URL | 2005 | unsourced (traced by this page) | Steel, 2007 |
| 37 | The circulated “$15,000 lost to procrastination” figure is the study’s per-scale-point coefficient, taken out of its five-point context | 2013 | corrected (traced by this page) | Nguyen, Steel, & Ferrari, 2013 |
The Steel 2007 recycling chain: what the circulated numbers actually trace to
Four of the most repeated procrastination statistics online share one choke point. Each cites Piers Steel’s 2007 meta-analysis, a genuine peer-reviewed source, but the specific figure traces past Steel to something weaker.
The “20 to 25% of adults are chronic procrastinators” figure is the mildest case. It is real, drawn from Harriott and Ferrari’s 1996 survey of 211 adults, 42 of whom self-identified as chronic procrastinators. The same lead author ran a larger, better-designed six-nation replication in 2007 with roughly 1,347 adults, and it found more chronic procrastination: about 28% total. The field keeps citing its own smaller, older number and skipping its author’s larger, newer one.
The “80 to 95% of college students procrastinate” figure sits inside Steel’s peer-reviewed review, which lends it borrowed authority. Traced to its actual origin, it comes from Ellis and Knaus’s 1977 mass-market paperback and O’Brien’s 2002 unpublished dissertation, both cited by Steel as prior claims, neither independently verified there.
The “94% say procrastination hurts their happiness” figure has the weakest foundation of the set. It traces through Steel (2007) to a 2005 self-selected web poll with a now-dead URL. It is the most quoted number in procrastination writing and the least defensible.
The “$15,000 lost to procrastination” figure is a real study, misread. Nguyen, Steel, and Ferrari (2013) found an income gap approaching $60,000 a year between people at the low and high ends of a procrastination scale. The $15,000 figure is the coefficient per single point on that five-point scale. Reporting it alone strips the denominator that gives it meaning.
Methodology
Every statistic on this page was traced to the original study, survey, or dataset it describes, and each number carries the year its underlying data was collected, distinguished from the year it was published where the two differ. Sources already confirmed in this site’s citation ledger from earlier procrastination articles were reused with their existing citations; every other figure was checked directly against the paper, abstract, or institutional page that reports it. Where a widely circulated number could not be traced to a real primary finding, that fact is stated plainly in the myth section above, itself a usable, citable fact. Sources last verified 2026-09-12.
Frequently asked questions
How many people procrastinate at least occasionally?
Nearly everyone does at some point; the research question that has actual numbers attached is how many people procrastinate chronically, and that figure runs from about 15% to just over 28% of adults depending on the study (Steel, 2007; Ferrari et al., 2007).
Is procrastination a sign of ADHD?
Procrastination and attention difficulties often travel together because both draw on the same executive-function skills, the ones that manage goals and filter distraction, and genetic research finds the two traits share most of their underlying genetic variance, with heritability estimated at about 46% for procrastination and 49% for impulsivity (Gustavson et al., 2014). More detail is in is procrastination a sign of ADHD.
What percentage of procrastination is emotional?
No study has produced a clean percentage for this. Sirois and Pychyl’s 2013 review frames procrastination itself as an emotion-regulation act, short-term mood repair, with the future self absorbing the cost (Sirois & Pychyl, 2013).
Can you overcome procrastination?
Yes. A 2014 twin study found genetic differences account for only about 46% of the variation in procrastination (Gustavson et al., 2014), leaving most of the variation open to the behavior change the research on intervention targets. The interventions with the most research support target the moment between the aversive feeling and the turning away, the affective seam scheduling systems cannot reach on their own. The specific approaches are covered in how to overcome procrastination.
Is procrastination a time-management problem or an emotional one?
The evidence favors the emotional framing over the scheduling one. Steel’s meta-analysis found task aversiveness among the strongest predictors of delay, and Tice and colleagues showed experimentally that removing the belief that delay would improve someone’s mood eliminated the “frivolous” procrastination almost entirely (Steel, 2007; Tice et al., 2001).
Why do I procrastinate on things I care about?
Caring raises a task’s emotional stakes. The mood-regulation account predicts exactly this: the tasks carrying the heaviest emotional weight are the ones most likely delayed (Sirois & Pychyl, 2013).
Does procrastination get worse under stress?
The research points to a two-way relationship: Sirois’s stress-context vulnerability model argues that stress depletes the coping resources that would otherwise help someone tolerate a difficult task, raising the odds of delay (Sirois, 2023), while procrastination itself later predicts higher stress in longitudinal student cohorts (Johansson et al., 2023).
Related reading
- How to Overcome Procrastination
- Procrastination and Anxiety: The Loop That Keeps Feeding Itself
- Procrastination and Emotions: Why the Delay Follows the Feeling
- Procrastination Types: A Field Guide to the Ways We Delay
- Is Procrastination Genetic? What the Research Actually Shows
- The Procrastination Cycle: Why It Keeps Repeating and How to Break It
How to cite this page
APA: Eduard, S. (2026, September 12). Procrastination statistics: How common it is, and why it happens. Stumble Toward the Light. https://stumbletowardthelight.com/procrastination-statistics/
MLA: Eduard, Sebastian. “Procrastination Statistics: How Common It Is, and Why It Happens.” Stumble Toward the Light, 12 Sept. 2026, stumbletowardthelight.com/procrastination-statistics/.
References
Chowdhury, S. F., & Pychyl, T. A. (2018). A critique of the construct validity of active procrastination. Personality and Individual Differences, 120, 7-12.
Chu, A. H. C., & Choi, J. N. (2005). Rethinking procrastination: Positive effects of “active” procrastination behavior on attitudes and performance. The Journal of Social Psychology, 145(3), 245-264.
Ferrari, J. R., Diaz-Morales, J. F., O’Callaghan, J., Diaz, K., & Argumedo, D. (2007). Frequent behavioral delay tendencies by adults: International prevalence rates of chronic procrastination. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 38(4), 458-464.
Gustavson, D. E., Miyake, A., Hewitt, J. K., & Friedman, N. P. (2014). Genetic relations among procrastination, impulsivity, and goal-management ability: Implications for the evolutionary origin of procrastination. Psychological Science, 25(6), 1178-1188.
Harriott, J., & Ferrari, J. R. (1996). Prevalence of procrastination among samples of adults. Psychological Reports, 78(2), 611-616.
Jochmann, A., Gusy, B., Lesener, T., & Wolter, C. (2024). Procrastination, depression and anxiety symptoms in university students: A three-wave longitudinal study on the mediating role of perceived stress. BMC Psychology, 12, 276.
Johansson, F., Rozental, A., Edlund, K., Cote, P., Sundberg, T., Onell, C., Rudman, A., & Skillgate, E. (2023). Associations between procrastination and subsequent health outcomes among university students in Sweden. JAMA Network Open, 6(1), e2249346.
Kroese, F. M., De Ridder, D. T. D., Evers, C., & Adriaanse, M. A. (2014). Bedtime procrastination: Introducing a new area of procrastination. Frontiers in Psychology, 5, 611.
Kroese, F. M., Evers, C., Adriaanse, M. A., & de Ridder, D. T. D. (2016). Bedtime procrastination: A self-regulation perspective on sleep insufficiency in the general population. Journal of Health Psychology, 21(5), 853-862.
Nguyen, B., Steel, P., & Ferrari, J. R. (2013). Procrastination’s impact in the workplace and the workplace’s impact on procrastination. International Journal of Selection and Assessment, 21(4), 388-399.
Pychyl, T. A., Lee, J. M., Thibodeau, R., & Blunt, A. (2000). Five days of emotion: An experience sampling study of undergraduate student procrastination. Journal of Social Behavior and Personality, 15(5), 239-254.
Sirois, F., & Pychyl, T. (2013). Procrastination and the priority of short-term mood regulation: Consequences for future self. Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 7(2), 115-127.
Sirois, F. M. (2023). Procrastination and stress: A conceptual review of why context matters. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 20(6), 5031.
Sirois, F. M., Molnar, D. S., & Hirsch, J. K. (2017). A meta-analytic and conceptual update on the associations between procrastination and multidimensional perfectionism. European Journal of Personality, 31(2), 137-159.
Solomon, L. J., & Rothblum, E. D. (1984). Academic procrastination: Frequency and cognitive-behavioral correlates. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 31(4), 503-509.
Steel, P. (2007). The nature of procrastination: A meta-analytic and theoretical review of quintessential self-regulatory failure. Psychological Bulletin, 133(1), 65-94.
Steel, P. (2010). Arousal, avoidant and decisional procrastinators: Do they exist? Personality and Individual Differences, 48(8), 926-934.
Steel, P., & Ferrari, J. (2013). Sex, education and procrastination: An epidemiological study of procrastinators’ characteristics from a global sample. European Journal of Personality, 27(1), 51-58.
Tice, D. M., Bratslavsky, E., & Baumeister, R. F. (2001). Emotional distress regulation takes precedence over impulse control: If you feel bad, do it! Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 80(1), 53-67.
Turkheimer, E. (2000). Three laws of behavior genetics and what they mean. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 9(5), 160-164.